J.A.KELLER
Parliamentary Adviser
box 2580 1211 Geneva 2         February 8, 1992
t+f (4122)-7400362
mobile (4179)-6047707 Dear Friend,

With the information saturation engulfing decision-makers everywhere in ever thicker fog, I should have thought of you before. For, in Seth Lipsky's words, "pissing at a lamp-post" has become the equivalent of seeking to communicate with higher-ups, even for reminding the boss of some self-evident but forgotten truths or for getting simple messages accross, such as:

A Superpower can survive as such only in the presence of one or more genuinely balancing counterparts. With the disappearance of the latter, nothing can effectively spare the former from the imperative need to re-adjust its social, political and economic structures to the evolving new requirements, challenges and opportunities. Talk of maintaining sole superpower status may, of course, play on the ego of the talker and/or of his audience, but it will not spare either from the thus mostly self-inflicted dire consequences of putting their heads into the sand.

Democracy is not merely what's left in the absence of Communism and other forms of more or less benign dictatorship. Democracy, meaning real Democracy, is: where each public servant, each official paid from taxpayer money, considers himself to be and is indeed the Citizen's servant - and not the other way around; where all traces of the Inquisition are definitely and reliably eradicated in both penal and civil matters, i.e. not only in the daily practice of the police and the criminal justice, but also when it comes to who bears the burden of proof in tax matters; where the Citizen's right to UNDISCLOSED private property is thus again a matter of course; where the Citizen is thus again encouraged - rather than officially discouraged - to develop and apply his capacities to take risks and assume responsibilities; in other words where the informed, capable and willing Citizen is again the first and only real sovereign of the nation.

A Great President is less concerned with quantitative than with qualitative aims and achievements. In the above direction of re-building the Citizen as a society's key pillar - and figures being anyway mostly a function of time - figures, moreover, tend to be less relevant than non-measurable factors which make, or undercut, the Citizen on his path to individual happiness and willingness to take risks and assume responsibilities.

A sustained successful market economy is no rat race track with cut-throat competition by survival artists recklessly pursuing some fast bucks. Rather it requires entrepreneurial, yet civilized and principled Citizens to responsibly and preservingly work the field of human intercourse with products and services generated at one point and needed elsewhere in the spectrum of human existence. As such, it is the place where the eventual profit of such toiling becomes the source of enhanced vistas, opportunities and responsibilities also in relation to those who "merely" keep up the place and make it liveable and worthwhile (leaning back, sniffing the winds of change even in one's own backyard, and reading Pope John Paul II's Centesimus Annus, British Prime Minister John Major's Citizen's Charter, etc. would seem to be time well spent).

A Great Leader looks and marches beyond the direction apparently chosen by the people he is entrusted to lead. Opinion polls can thus be no valid substitute for his incessant serious analysis of the inexhaustable wealth of historic and modern information, his clear-sightedness, capacity to read his inner compass and last but not least, his courage and competence to decide where, when and how to go, to turn and to stop. And as nobody has a monopoly for good ideas, a policy imposing non-communication between his advisers and so-called "marginal", "non-established" "outside" sources (e.g. Kurdish leaders the badly weakened intelligence community failed to recognize and build up publicly) provides a fertile terrain for the failure-causing ARIGIN virus, as it reflects ARrogance and produces IGnorance and INcompetence at high and highest decision-making levels.

A New World Order - just as the present setup - will neither stand nor fly, unless it properly reflects the true conditions and legitimate aspirations of the peoples of this planet. U.S. President Woodrow Wilson knew that. With his 14 Points design for a post-World War I Europe, he aimed at less, yet he may have influenced the course of history more than his successors may ever dream of. Wilson's principle of a people's right to self-determination explicitly covered all non-Muslim communities of Turkey. It may yet result in a redistribution of the cards in the Mideast and lead its peoples to a lasting peaceful solution of their deeply-rooted conflicts. This timely principle found its way also into Kemal Pacha's - i.e. Atatürk's - Turkish National Pact of January 28, 1920. And while, in 1923, it was still opposed by Britain's Lord Curzon at the League of Nations, Turkey's Delegate, General Ismet Pacha, vigorously defended it, notably with regard to the Kurds living in its former province, the 91'009km2MOSUL VILAYET (which, in 1925 and after long haggling reflecting its huge petroleum reserves, was conditionally attached to Iraq by the League of Nations). Iraq's status as a sovereign nation continues to be tied to how it respects the international obligations it incurred with its Declaration of May 30, 1932, entrusting the community of nations with the right and obligation to monitor Iraq's internal situation and, in the event, to take appropriate actions. This, in many ways, remains significant.  For this Iraqi Declaration provides for Kurdish property and other rights to take precedence over present & future Iraqi "law, regulation or official action";  and violations of these rights may indeed be sanctioned by the UN. For centuries, the Mosul Vilayet has constituted an integral part of the Kurdish homeland. Iraq's brutally pursued and externally unopposed "Arabization policy" has caused destruction of Kurdish villages, agriculture and social structures by "legal", administrative and military means. Like hostage-takings, these measures constitute gross violations of Iraq's international obligations, e.g. Red Cross Conventions and said 1932 Declaration. THEY CALL FOR APPROPRIATE SANCTIONS, LEST THE RULE-OF-LAW-WORLD-ORDER REMAIN A SELF-DELUDING SLOGAN.

Great Presidency is thus not necessarily a multi-term Presidency, but one which has or will set its marks in history with principles and acts strengthening the Rule of Law beyond its time and national borders. It is a Presidency based on the best available information, with a President who is capable, willing and intent to attract the world's most knowledgeable and competent minds as the source of inspiration, foresight and determined actions. And an office holder who not only recognizes a helpful window of opportunity when he meets one, but who decisively acts on it - even if the people he is entrusted to lead have not yet set their eyes, minds and legs in that direction. He may thus risk his chances of presiding one more term over the fate of his nation. Yet, having spent his political capital recognizably not for partisan goals, he may live to discover that risking just that may in time be honored not only by the voters but also by the unconsulted peoples in the rest of the world he affects.

Maybe it's time lost, and the people and their leaders will anyway get what they need and deserve, but I felt obliged to share with you what, in a nutshell, I've come to learn in this lifetime, and I would be obliged to you, if you'd care to do the same. Sincerely yours,

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GOOD OFFICES GROUP OF EUROPEAN LAWMAKERS

J.A.KELLER, Secretary
box 2580 1211 Genève 2
t+f (4122)-7400362
mobile (4179)-6047707

February 24, 1992

Is the World's Strategic Oil Reserve Unwittingly Handed to Saddam - Courtesy of the UN?

Dear Mister President,

The enclosed preliminary inquiry into who, in international law, now owns the oil resources in the Mosul Vilayet (Northern Iraq) speaks for itself: the aboriginal tribes and inhabitants there (mostly Kurds) are seen to have prima facie ownership, and the Iraqi Government, if challenged, would appear to be in a rather difficult position to prove that it has, in due course and in line with its international obligations, acquired legal ownership of that area's vast oil resources (which, incidently, might be turned into World's strategic oil reserve if our decision-makers only recognized and competently utilized the present exceptional window of opportunity offered with Pishdare's Project Backdoor). In the event, Iraq may already have forfeited, or may in due course loose these rights due to the breaches of its related, and apparently still valid "obligations of international concern".

This poses another urgent problem: the UN Security Council is understood to review soon the loose ends of the Gulf war and to consider what to do with those of its resolutions which the hostage takers of Baghdad still find to be not to their palate, notably resolution 706 providing for limited oil exports from Iraq under strict UN surveillance for paying the cash-strapped and indeed thus jeopardized UN humanitarian programs in Iraq. The path of least resistance would seem to lead soon to a simple extention of this resolution by the Security Council. This might infringe on so far unsuspected or unclaimed but anyway real ownership rights of third parties and victims of Iraqi policy. For this UN resolution of last August mentions "Iraqi petroleum and petroleum products", and the subsequent report of the UN Secretary General of 4 September (S/23006, p.6) specifies as the sole source the "production facilities in the Kirkuk area" which, of course, happen to be in the contested Mosul Vilayet and where, in spite of its nationalization measures, Iraq's claim to ownership to those oil resources now appear to be more than doubtful. In these circumstances, unqualified acceptance of said UN report by the Security Council and a mere extention of resolution 706 might strengthen rather than weaken Iraq's position and deliver on a UN silver plate what Iraq might never have had in reality, or have forfeited long ago due to its breaches of international obligations. Is that really what we want or can responsibly tolerate or risk?

Accordingly, we have drawn up the enclosed draft resolution which might further illustrate the problem and offer some ideas towards a solution strengthening, rather than undercutting the crucial Rule of Law. Trusting this to draw the attention it deserves, we remain, sincerely yours,

cc: interested lawmakers

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GOOD OFFICES GROUP OF EUROPEAN LAWMAKERS

J.A.KELLER, Secretary
box 2580 1211 Genève 2        28 February 1992
t+f (4122)-7400362
mobile (4179)-6047707
 
 

To His Excellency, the Foreign Minister [of UN Security Council member states]
by way of the good offices of H.E., the Ambassador to the UN in Geneva
Iraq/Kuwait and Iraq's Northern Frontier, Other Gulf War Loose Ends

Your Excellency,

     On advice from Members of your Parliament, we may be permitted to draw your Government's urgent attention to the following research results and recommended lines of action.

    The border maps unearthed at the British Foreign Office which now serve the UN Commission redrawing the Iraq/Kuwait frontier line, and the exchange of letters of July 21 and August 10, 1932, between Shaikh Ahmad al Sabah of Kuwait and the then Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al Said, have one thing in common with Iraq's solemn Declaration of 30 May 1932: old age. And Iraq had a point when it claimed that it "had not been an independent state on the date of Nuri al Said's letter of July 21, 1932." But does that mean - in the words of a "Realpolitik" diplomat - that anybody invoking these old maps and documents now "risks being laughed out of Court"? Certainly not, if the Rules of Law are properly applied, and if Iraq's never-abrogated 1932 "obligations of international concern" are taken into account, notably the Declaration's art.13:

     Iraq's fate, its very independence and territorial integrity may depend on this Declaration. For Iraq led the League of Nations to admit it as a Member, subject to internationally enforceable conditions providing for the protection of minority and property rights. Thus burdened with servitudes and sovereignty constraints notably with regard to the Mosul Vilayet (Northern Iraq), Iraq joined the United Nations on 21 December 1945 while it was still a League Member. Some of these obligations were to take precedence over any present or future Iraqi "law, regulation or official action", and they were explicitly "placed under the garantee of the League of Nations". With the United Nations generally recognized as the legal successor to the League of Nations notably with regard to related rights and responsibilities, it is seen to befit particularly the Members of the Security Council to consider imaginative steps going beyond traditional sanctions, i.e.: Presenting our compliments, we assure Your Excellency of our highest considerations.
encl: indic.; Inquiry I,II; SCR; HS,
cc: interested lawmakers
 
 

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GOOD OFFICES GROUP OF EUROPEAN LAWMAKERS

J.A.KELLER, Secretary
box 2580 1211 Genève 2
t+f (4122)-7400362
mobile (4179)-6047707

19 March 1992

Is YOUR Government Also Unwittingly Helping Saddam Hussein?

Dear MP friend,     [of UN Security Council member states]

Following our earlier communications on some Gulf war loose ends we take pleasure informing you of the enclosed exchange between Lord Ennals and the British Foreign Secretary - and are anxious to learn your own Government's positions on this. In order to promptly and effectively turn the table on the hostage takers in Baghdad, if possible without further recourse to military means, you may also wish to consider parliamentary actions

a)     on the Kurds, the West's potential ally and guardian of Europe's strategic oil reserve (let the Kurds help themselves and to pay for the UN and other humanitarian efforts in Iraq, notably by allowing them to take their own oil out of their own ancestral lands, following the Iraqi leadership's blatant rejection of the humanitarian UN resolutions 688 and 706; the technical feasibility study requested by the UN on this Kurdish Project BACKDOOR is presently being carried out under difficult circumstances with, as of now, more Kurdish blood being spilled than Kurdish oil being produced, and with some governments still opposing, resp. failing to support it, all of which effectively plays into the hands of Saddam Hussein);

b)     on the still valid forgotten Iraqi Declaration of 30 May 1932 (providing for the protection of yet-to-be-invoked comprehensive human rights, minority rights and property rights which, notoriously, were and continue to be crassly violated, thus giving the Security Council undreamed-of authority to examine and reconsider the League of Nations' 1925 conditional attachment of the Mosul Vilayet, i.e. the mostly Kurd-inhabited Northern part, to Iraq, but also to throw open the question of legal ownership of Iraq's oil; Mr. Hurd's neglect of this Declaration is unfounded, ill-advised and most unfortunate, for it directly undercuts the UN's, the Allies' and the Kurds' position and is in fact helping Baghdad); and

c)     on the UN's self-damaging handling of Iraq's obstructionism (e.g. the Security Council's failure to recognise and apply its rights and obligations under said 1932 Iraqi Declaration; its apparent willingness - at least implicitly - to hand to Mr. Hussein's clique ownership rights they never had in law over Iraq's huge oil reserves; the UN's unreserved written acceptance of Iraq's outright rejection of the landmark UN humanitarian intervention resolution 688; and the Security Council's failure to date to lift the comprehensive embargo on all Kuwaiti goods written into its resolution 661, which, though a mere "legal technicality", could still create much insecurity and headaches, notably among private businessmen doing business with Kuwait).

Enlightened, determined leadership on these items is called for. The annexed draft Security Council resolution offers some ideas. Along these lines Mr. Hussein's clique has no political future, opening the way for lasting solutions of key Mideast problems. We are confident of this if enough parliamentarians will get their governments to take appropriate actions promptly, notably on the above points which have been thoroughly researched also at the League of Nations Archives by our research branch CORUM (documents available on request). Sincerely yours,

J.A.Keller, Secretary,
GOOD OFFICES GROUP OF EUROPEAN LAWMAKERS
 
 

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SARDAR PISHDARE

17 April 1992

Kurdistan's 1st Presidential and Parliamentary election 15 May 1992

Dear Mister President,

I'm honored to advise you of my candidature for the Parliamentary election (Pishdar district), and to present some views and ideas. Given adequate support, I may run for the Office of President.

According to the report of the UN Special Rapporteur of 18 Februar 1992, the Kurds continue to suffer from crass violations of international norms by Iraq. Those having survived the various "genocidal practices" - like the poison gas attacks on Kurdish villages, the "Anafal" operations of herding people into phantom "amalgamated villages" (read: execution trenches) and forced "relocations to the South" (often another euphemism for mass executions) - have seen their villages and towns blown up, their agriculture and infrastructure destroyed and their economic, cultural and social structures torn up as a matter of official policy. The internal economic blockade - on top of the UN embargo resolution 661 unwittingly preventing self-help measures to get under way - has further worsened conditions and compounded the people's general uprooting, disorientation and dependence on foreign humanitarian help. Under such dire conditions, no election can produce the political unity and leadership required for a solid recovery - unless external military forces provide for the necessary security beyond the election, and unless further appropriate coherent measures are taken by the allies in the field and at the UN.

Accordingly, I have developed a humanitarian self-help program for my people - "Project BACKDOOR" - with American, Arab and European lawmakers and experts. It provides for us Kurds to take our own oil out of our ancestral lands and to market it under UN guidance for financing the UN's and other relief programs in Iraq, as well as for rebuilding the Kurdish villages and infrastructure and the regeneration of the agriculture in the Mosul Vilayet. In contrast, resolutions 706 and 712 lend Iraq oil ownership rights they never had in law - on the back of rights of Kurdish tribes and Turkish citizens. Already, I have received signs of support from the entire Kurdish population for this program. As a leader of the Soisne tribe, my colleagues of the other tribes have recognised my leadership for this mobilizing and uniting project which is supported by most university teachers and political parties. However, it will be indispensable for resolution 661 to be interpreted or changed accordingly; otherwise this embargo will continue to cause additional harm to the Kurdish victims of the Iraqi state terror. Your corresponding support and actions will be greatly appreciated - and facilitate my decision.

My political program is in line with the "Kurdish Red Cross Movement" - of which I am a co-founder. I have stayed out of the Kurdish political quagmire for the past 11 years and am associated with no political party or ideology (I consider myself a liberal market player in the sense indicated in the magnificent encyclica Centesimus Annus of Pope John-Paul II). I fully subscribe to the principles enshrined in the UN Charter, notably art.1. I'm thus against autonomy talks with Baghdad, but I dont trust either Tariq Aziz's "Iraq would be the first to recognize Kurdish independence". Instead, I favour building on the international minority protection guarantees tied to Iraq's admission to the League of Nations, as contained in the still valid, but all too long neglected Iraq Declaration of 30 May 1932 and which are yet to be enforced by the UN). And I am ready to consider interim solutions in line with the UN Charter (Art.75ss, evt. Art.73s); eventually these should give way to solutions which may be developed organically in cooperation with neighboring states thus properly reflecting the historical, geographical and other relevant facts (a secular, permanently neutral Kurdistan constituted a stabilising catalyst, a guardian of the Mideast's water castle and of the World's strategic oil reserve).

I am most grateful for the effective American help to my people. I shall be glad to personally explain the above in more detail. Please accept the assurance of my highest considerations.

Sincerely yours,

Sardar Pishdare
8 Warren Close, Rosendale Road London SE21 8NB  t+f: 44181-7616420
 

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SARDAR PISHDARE

17.April, 1992

Kurdistans 1. Präsidenten- und Abgeordnetenwahl vom 15.Mai 1992

Sehr verehrter Herr Bundeskanzler,

Ich beehre mich Ihnen meine Kandidatur für das Parlament Kurdistans (Wahlkreis: Pishdar) anzuzeigen, und einige Erwägungen und Anliegen vorzutragen. Gegebenenfalls kandidiere ich für die Präsidentschaft.

Gemäss Bericht des UNO Special Rapporteur vom 18.Februar 1992 sind die Kurden Iraq's auf lange Zeit aufs schwerste geschädigt. Soweit sie nicht im Rahmen des "genozid-ähnlichen" irakischen "Anfal"-Programms bereits verschleppt oder gar physisch vernichtet worden sind, hat nicht erst die militärische Unterdrückung ihres letztjährigen Aufstandes, sondern die vorausgegangene systematische Zerstörung ihrer Landwirtschaft und der meisten ihrer Dörfer und Städte (z.B. Giftgasangriff auf Halabja) und nun noch die Wirtschaftsblockade zu einer generellen Entwurzelung, Desorientierung und Abhängigkeit von ausländischen Hilfsmassnahmen geführt. Davon ist insbesondere die kurdische Bevölkerung des Mosul Vilayets betroffen. Die anstehenden Wahlen im darniederliegenden Nordirak stellen so eine Herausforderung und Gelegenheit dar - auch und besonders für die Freunde der Kurden in Deutschland.

Angesichts dieser Ausgangslage arbeite ich - mit Unterstützung verschiedener europäischer Parlamentarier und Sachverständiger - seit mehreren Monaten an einem humanitären Programm mit dem Kennwort "Project BACKDOOR" (Entwicklung der Kurden-eigenen Oelfelder zur Finanzierung der humanitären Programme insbesondere der UNO, zum Wiederaufbau der Wirtschaft und der Infrastruktur: siehe Beilagen; die UNO-Resolution 706 begünstigte dagegen Iraq und verletzte türkische und kurdische Öleigentumsrechte). Für dieses auf Selbsthilfe ausgerichtete, über Parteiinteressen hinweggehende Programm weiss ich mich unterstützt von der gesamten kurdischen Bevölkerung; als Anführer des Soisne-Stammes erhielt ich auch bereits die Unterstützungszusage aller andern Stammesführer und der meisten Akademiker und Parteien. Zur Verwirklichung dieses humanitären Programms wird es aber unabdingbar sein, dass die Völkergemeinschaft die Embargo-Resolution 661 des UNO-Sicherheitsrats entsprechend interpretiert oder formell abändert; denn sonst belastet dieses Embargo weiterhin und zusätzlich die kurdischen Opfer des irakischen Staatsterrors. Für Ihre prompte Zusage entsprechender Unterstützung wäre ich besonders dankbar; sie erleichterte meine Entscheidung.

Mein politisches Programm steht im Einklang mit der von mir mitgegründeten "Kurdischen Rotkreuz-Bewegung". Ich habe mich in den vergangenen 11 Jahren aus den innenpolitischen Wirren (Iran/Irak-Krieg) herausgehalten. Für die Zukunft Kurdistans ist jetzt dringenst jede Präjudizierung zu vermeiden (also weder "Autonomie"-Verhandlungen mit Bagdad, noch Eintreten auf Tariq Aziz's unglaubwürdige Aussage "Iraq would be the first to recognize Kurdish independence", sondern Inanspruchnahme der internationalen Minderheitsschutz-Garantien, welche gemäss Iraq's Erklärung vom 30.Mai 1932 und Völkerbunds-Beitritt bestehen, allzulange missachtet worden sind, und nun von der UNO zu gewährleisten sind). Interimslösungen sind gemäss UNO-Charta (Art.75ff, evt. Art.73f) ins Auge zu fassen, welche organisch, im Einvernehmen mit den Nachbarstaaten entwikelten Lösungen Platz machen, und sowohl den von der Natur als auch der Geschichte vorgegebenen Tatsachen entsprechen sollen (ein laizistisches, permanent neutrales Kurdistan könnte ein stabilisierender Katalysator, ein Wächter des nahöstlichen Wasserschlosses, und ein Garant der europäischen strategischen Ölreserve werden).

Ich danke Ihnen, und durch Sie dem deutschen Volk und seinen Dienern für die dem kurdischen Volk erwiesene tatkräftige Hilfe. Zur Erläutertung des Gesagten stehe ich gerne zur Verfügung. Inzwischen versichere ich Sie meiner vorzüglichsten Hochachtung

.

Sardar Pishdare
8 Warren Close, Rosendale Road London SE21 8NB t+f: 44181-7616420
 

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SARDAR PISHDARE

20 avril 1992

Note sur les élections présidentielles et parlementaires du 15 mai 1992 au Kurdistan

Monsieur le Président,

J'ai l'honneur de porter à votre bienveillante attention ma candidature à l'Assemblée Constituante, pour le district de Pishdar. Je suis également prêt à assumer la Présidence de Kurdistan, dès que les conditions minimales seront remplies.

En effet, je considère comme indispensable que soient réexaminées les décisions des Nations Unies concernant les intérêts des Kurdes, afin que soient modifiées celles qui entraînent des préjudices injustifiés, et parfois involontaires. Directement concerné, mon peuple, par exemple, peut se féliciter du droit formel - notamment de la Résolution 688, acquise par la diplomatie française, des "garanties internationales" pour la protection des minorités, et des "obligations d'intérêts internationales" auxquelles l'Irak est astreint en corollaire de son indépendance et intégralité territoriale. Or, force est de constater que sont maintenus des textes et des pratiques préjudiciables aux minorités à protéger, mais avantageux pour l'Irak. Ainsi, le Memorandum of Understanding de l'ONU du 18 avril 1991 (MOU). La partie du Vilayet de Mossoul qui est contrôlée par les Kurdes continue de subir des contraintes sur le commerce, les communications, etc. dues à la Résolution 661; celle-ci, si mes informations sont correctes, est pourtant dirigée contre le régime de Bagdad et non contre les victimes kurdes de celui-ci. De surcroît, les Résolutions 706 et 712 prêtent aux dirigeants irakiens des droits de propriété qu'ils non jamais détenus, ce qui porte préjudice aux droits des tribus kurdes et des citoyens turcs, seuls propriétaires légaux des champs pétrolifères situés dans le Vilayet de Mossoul.

Selon le Rapporteur spécial de la Commission des Droits de l'Homme à l'ONU (E/CN.4/1992/31, 18.2.1992), les Kurdes subissent toujours des violations flagrantes des droits internationaux, commises par l'Irak. Il y a d'abord les "pratiques de génocide" détaillées dans le chapitre B 1a dudit rapport, par exemple l'emploi d'armes chimiques contre des villages kurdes, les opérations "Anafal", les "villages amalgamés" (autrement dit des fosses d'exécution), et les "évacuations vers le Sud" (un euphémisme couvrant des exécutions en masse). Quelque 4.000 villages et villes kurdes ont été dynamités. L'agriculture et l'infrastructure sont largement détruites. Les structures économiques, culturelles et sociales ont été systématiquement et officiellement disloquées - pour des "raisons d'Etat". Et depuis plusieurs mois, un blocus économique intérieur s'ajoute à celui que la Résolution 661 a produit sans y prendre garde, lequel a empêché les tentatives de mon peuple pour s'aider lui-même avec ses propres moyens. Mon peuple est profondément blessé corps et âme. Le déracinement et le désarroi l'accable partout. Sa dépendance de l'aide extérieure est totale.

Dans de telles sinistres conditions, les élections risquent d'être sans issue, et de susciter une situation d'insécurité et d'instabilité pour toute la région. Si l'on veut qu'elles soient au contraires une base d'espoir, de cohésion et de progrès, elles doivent s'appuyer sur un véritable programme de salut national. Lequel doit être non seulement garanti par des forces militaires extérieures mais accompagné de mesures adéquates, mises en application par les dirigeants des pays amis et par l'ONU.

En conséquence, j'ai élaboré, avec l'aide notamment de parlementaires européens, un projet permettant à mon peuple de sortir rapidement et dignement de son calvaire actuel. Ce "project BACKDOOR" prévoit d'extraire le pétrole de nos terres ancestrales, avec l'assistance technique et commerciale de ceux qui voudraient bien nous aider. La vente sur le marché international de ces ressources naturelles, qui ont toujours été la propriété des tribus kurdes, permettrait de financer, sans charges pour nos amis, les programmes humanitaires de l'ONU et des autres organisations d'entraide travaillant en Irak, ainsi que la reconstruction de notre base de vie (voir annexes).

Ce programme, qui est appuyé par tout mon peuple, mobiliserait et canaliserait ses énergies pour l'immense tâche de reconstruction qui nous attend. En qualité de chef de la tribu de Soisne, j'ai déjà obtenu l'appui de tous mes homologues des autres tribus, celui des universitaires et des partis politiques.

Mon programme s'inscrit dans la ligne de la "Société Kurde de la Croix Rouge" dont je suis un co-fondateur. Durant ces onze dernières années, je me suis tenu à l'écart de la politique intérieure kurde, et je n'appartiens à aucun parti existant. Je me considère comme un libéral, acquis à l'économie de marché tout en tenant compte des principes éthiques qui sont communs au rapport de la Commission Willy Brandt et à l'encyclique Centesimus Annus du Pape Jean-Paul II. Je souscrit aux principes inscrits dans la Charte des Nations Unies, notamment dans son article 1. Je m'oppose donc résolument à tous pourparlers avec Bagdad au sujet d'une quelconque "autonomie", position partagée par la quasi-totalité de mon peuple, tant qu'il y a une chance d'échapper aux chaînes meutrières qui - bien malgré nous - continuent à nous lier à Bagdad. D'autre part, on ne peut prendre au sérieux la déclaration récente de Tariq Aziz: "L'Iraq serait le premier à reconnaître l'independance kurde" (rapport de l'ONU, cité, para 108).

Avec le soutien de nos amis à l'étranger, j'entends donc suivre une troisième voie, conforme à notre histoire comme aux textes et garanties internationales en vigueur concernant notre peuple et nos voisins. Il s'agit en particulier des servitudes de droit international, greffées sur l'Irak quand en 1926 le Vilayet de Mossoul lui a été attribué plutôt qu'à la Turquie. Et il s'agit des "obligations d'intérêt international" liées à l'indépendance et à l'admisssion de l'Irak à la Société des Nations en 1932, puis à l'ONU. Ces conditions sont inscrites dans la Déclaration du 30 mai 1932 - document redécouvert récemment dans les archives de la Société des Nations. Elles ont été, et continuent d'être grossièrement violées. En tant que successeur de la SDN, les Nations Unies ont donc toute latitude pour examiner leurs options et pour prendre les dispositions qui s'imposent. Notamment quant aux "guaranties internationales" des droits des kurdes dont l'ONU a la responsabilité principale. En conséquence, je défends l'adoption de solutions pratiques intérimaires, basées sur la Charte des Nations Unies (p.ex. art.75ss, éventuellement art.73s). Elles devraient favoriser la coopération avec les peuples voisins et, à terme, permettre d'édifier une solution généralement acceptée et durable, fondée sur les données historiques, culturelles, géographiques et tous autres facteurs pertinents. Un Kurdistan laïque, neutre et francophone constituerait un catalysateur stabilisant, un gardien fiable de la réserve stratégique européenne du pétrole, ainsi que du château d'eau du Moyen Orient.

Permettez-moi, Monsieur le Président, de vous exprimer ma reconnaissance pour l'aide efficace et vitale que la France apporte à mon peuple sur tous les plans - moral, matériel et diplomatique. Fort de son chef-d'oeuvre diplomatique, "sa" Résolution 688, je suis très confiant que la France n'entend pas tolérer - soit par le silence, soit par l'inaction - les effets préjudiciables aux Kurdes du MOU et des Résolutions 661, 706 et 712. Je suis bien entendu à votre entière disposition, si vous souhaitez approfondir ces problèmes lors d'un contact personnel.

Je vous présente, Monsieur le Président, et vous prie de bien vouloir agréer l'expression de mon profond respect.

Sardar Pishdare

8 Warren Close, Rosendale Road London SE21 8NB t+f: 44181-7616420
 

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Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs)

WHAT IF ...? - CORUM - 22 April 1992

1.    MOU is not renewed     There would not be a legal void: 688 would still be there undiminished, providing in fact incomparably more power and punch than the Baghdad-dependent MOU ever offered for getting UN and other humanitarian programs in all of Iraq under way and fully carried out. Another problem is whether the political will really still exists (and is likely to be maintained) to use that or any power and punch in dealing with Baghdad on related questions.

     The Kurds could be expected to welcome that - provided they are properly informed and continue to be effectively protected against military attacks and pressures by Baghdad. At any rate, if Baghdad were let to militarily pressure them, they would seek to fight this off - as they always have - with whatever means they will have at their disposal, and they would again run by the millions to the mountains if these means proved inadequate to effectively hold back the Baghdad forces from carrying out with military means what the UN Special Rapporteur described as "genocidal practices". The allies and the UN, at that point, would see themselves also to be back at square one (March 1991). Seen in this light, the allies and the UN might want to consider using all available legal powers promptly and to the maximum as the only practical way for getting back the initiative instead of following events which - absurdly - essentially are again dictated in Baghdad.

     The thus indicated assertive, 688-based and MOU-free policy might include formal queries by the UN to Iraq on:

2.     Irak accepts 706/712     That may not, by itself, be enough to permit the execution of 706/712 which are seen to infringe on third parties' alleged related petroleum ownership rights ("Who - in International Law - Now Owns the Oil in the Mosul Vilayet", CORUM, Geneva 1992). The legal problems arise on account of recently uncovered indications raising questions on Iraq's ownership, in international law, of the petroleum resources found in its territory.

     Unless and until these questions can be answered to the satisfaction of any judge in any country who might be asked to rule on a related seizure order brought by the those who appear to have a prima facia case of related ownership rights and could benefit from the actual 712 wording (para 5 "Iraqi title"; notably Kurdish tribes and some Turkish citizens), it may be necessary to clearly, and perhaps explicitly, confine the application of 706/712 to uncontested Iraqi oil fields. Definitly ruled out from such a unilateral application would seem to be the oil fields situated in the Mosul Vilayet (UN planning, so far, focused on the thus excluded Kirkuk field: S/23006, para 12). Alternatively, a negotiated formula might be developed, providing for the non-prejudicial consent of the involved Kurdish tribes and the Turkish Government (representing its unidentified concerned citizens).

3.    Irak rejects 706/712     That either makes 706/712 a dead letter, or indicates prompt pursuit, development and application of the proposal made 12 November 1991 to the Secretary-General's Executive Delegate ... In light of the data referred to under #2, development of the some five apparently available oil fields located in the Kurdish-controlled area of the Mosul Vilayet would not seem to require the consent of the Iraqi Government but would be greatly facilitated if the Turkish Government were to cooperate. Eventually, 706/712 might be adapted correspondingly; at any rate, the 661 embargo on Iraqi would have to be qualified, specifically lifting its constraints for areas which are not under Iraqi control (on which occasion the formally still in force 661 embargo on Kuwait may also be lifted as a measure which is indicated for the sake of legal clarity and legal security of private businessmen).
 
 

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GOOD OFFICES GROUP OF EUROPEAN LAWMAKERS

J.A.KELLER, Secretary
box 2580 1211 Genève 2
t+f (4122)-7400362
mobile (4179)-6047707

5 May 1992

re: Kurdish elections; proposed TROIKA leadership

Your Lordship,

     The free flow of things in Northern Iraq points to further violent Kurdish infighting, chaos and even regional conflicts, with the imminent Kurdish elections not really changing things for the better but actually bringing tensions to new highs and flashpoints of direct concern notably to Turkey and the allies. If the occasion of the elections are to be used towards a stable and perhaps even regionally stabilizing interim solution within the UN framework, the Kurdish people's energies need deliberate focusing on a credible, externally supported national salvation programme carried out with the help of a national coalition. Such a coalition - e.g. a troika involving Messrs Barzani, Pishdare and Talabani - may be forged forthwith by Mr.Pishdare, provided he promptly gets visible allied support to that effect.

     Evidently, both declared presidential candidates, Messrs Barzani and Talabani, and their programs are less than generally inspiring and unifying, with very slight chances for the latter to be normally elected. The deals reportedly cut recently in Teheran between Mr.Talabani and President Rafsanjani may not only seek - by force, if needed - to alter the power balance inside Kurdish-controlled territory, but may entail unfortunate ramifications particularly in light of actual developments in Afghanistan and some Islamic republics of the former Soviet Union. These prospects may promptly and effectively be countered by bringing the Kurds' competing political factions into a governing coalition with which the allies, the UN and the neighboring governments may constructively cooperate in the enormous task of rebuilding this devastated area. Mr.Pishdare, the senior Kurdish leader of the Soisne tribe, has found his self-help "Project Backdoor" to arouse universal support among all Kurds. Having good personal relations with Mr.Barzani and being respected by Mr.Talabani, the fact that Mr.Pishdare has also retained total independence of all political factions may thus now become a useful asset. However, Mr.Talabani's plans and his links with Mr.Rafsanjani may pose problems - unless visible external support for Mr.Pishdare's role as a political mediator, catalyst and manager of his national salvation programme is being provided promptly upon his return. Returning by way of a high-profile visit to Mr.Rafsanjani might contribute to that end; providing him promptly transportation, telecom and security facilities from allied and/or UN sources might be an even more effectively disuasive political message.

     I would appreciate your consideration and effective communication to the British authorities of both the above and the letter which Mr.Pishdare is about to convey to Messrs Barzani and Talabani. While looking forward to their and the British authorities' views decisions and eventual measures, I remain, sincerely yours,

J.A.Keller, Secretary
GOOD OFFICES GROUP OF EUROPEAN LAWMAKERS
 
 

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<>
MOSUL VILAYET COUNCIL
4 Coniston Court Kendal Street
London W2 2AN 4471-2620488

14 juillet 1992

Madame, Monsieur,

     Nous tenons à vous remercier chaleureusement pour votre récente visite dans la partie libérée du Mossoul Vilayet, visite faite en témoignage supplémentaire et particulièrement courageuse de votre appui pour les peuples Kurdes, Turcomans, Assyriens et autres qui continuent d'être victime de la politique irakienne - mais aussi onusienne (voire les extraits joints de l'Economist du 11 juillet, et de la Washington Post réproduit dans l'IHT du 12 juillet). En effet, comme notre collègue l'a déjà indiqué dans sa lettre au Président Mitterrand du 20 avril,

nous considerons comme "indispensable que soient réexaminées les décisions des Nations Unies concernant les intérêts des Kurdes, afin que soient modifiées celles qui entraînent des préjudices injustifiés, et parfois involontaires. Directement concerné, [le peuple kurde], par exemple, peut se féliciter du droit formel - notamment de la Résolution 688, acquise par la diplomatie française, des 'garanties internationales' pour la protection des minorités, et des 'obligations d'intérêts internationales' auxquelles l'Irak est astreint en corollaire de son indépendance et intégralité territoriale. Or, force est de constater que sont maintenus des textes et des pratiques préjudiciables aux minorités à protéger, mais avantageux pour l'Irak. Ainsi, le Memorandum of Understanding de l'ONU du 18 avril 1991. La partie du Vilayet de Mossoul qui est contrôlée par les Kurdes continue de subir des contraintes sur le commerce, les communications, etc. dues à la Résolution 661; celle-ci, si mes informations sont correctes, est pourtant dirigée contre le régime de Bagdad et non contre les victimes kurdes de celui-ci. De surcroît, les Résolutions 706 et 712 prêtent aux dirigeants irakiens des droits de propriété qu'ils non jamais détenus, ce qui porte préjudice aux droits des tribus kurdes et des citoyens turcs, seuls propriétaires légaux des champs pétrolifères situés dans le Vilayet de Mossoul.

Selon le Rapporteur spécial de la Commission des Droits de l'Homme à l'ONU (E/CN.4/1992/31, 18.2.1992), les Kurdes subissent toujours des violations flagrantes des droits internationaux, commises par l'Irak. Il y a d'abord les 'pratiques de génocide' détaillées dans le chapitre B 1a dudit rapport, par exemple l'emploi d'armes chimiques contre des villages kurdes, les opérations 'Anafal', les 'villages amalgamés' (autrement dit des fosses d'exécution), et les 'évacuations vers le Sud' (un euphémisme couvrant des exécutions en masse). Quelque 4.000 villages et villes kurdes ont été dynamités. L'agriculture et l'infrastructure sont largement détruites. Les structures économiques, culturelles et sociales ont été systématiquement et officiellement disloquées - pour des 'raisons d'Etat'. Et depuis plusieurs mois, un blocus économique intérieur s'ajoute à celui que la Résolution 661 a produit sans y prendre garde, lequel a empêché les tentatives de mon peuple pour s'aider lui-même avec ses propres moyens. Mon peuple est profondément blessé corps et âme. Le déracinement et le désarroi l'accable partout. Sa dépendance de l'aide extérieure est totale.

Dans de telles sinistres conditions, les élections risquent d'être sans issue et de susciter une situation d'insécurité et d'instabilité pour toute la région. Si l'on veut qu'elles soient au contraire une base d'espoir, de cohésion et de progrès, elles doivent s'appuyer sur un véritable programme de salut national. Lequel doit être non seulement garanti par des forces militaires extérieures mais accompagné de mesures adéquates, mises en application par les dirigeants des pays amis et par l'ONU."

     Trois mois plus tard, cette analyse semble rester valable. Nous nous félicitons donc de votre appel publique en faveur d'une révision du régime des sanctions onusiennes - ce qui bénéficierait d'une initiative correspondante de la diplomatie française et qui devrait s'appliquer à la partie libéré du Mossoul Vilayet. Dans cette optique, il nous serait agréable de vous expliquer à vive voix et très prochainement la Déclaration d'auto-détermination que tous les 75 tribus Kurdes de cet ancien département de l'Empire Ottoman ont adopté à Ankara le 15 mai et dont est issu notre Conseil (sa Délégation attend actuellement les visas pour pouvoir visiter Paris vers fin juillet). Dans l'attente de vos nouvelles, nous vous présentons, Madame, Monsieur le Ministre, et vous prions de bien vouloir agréer l'expression de notre profond respect.

Omar Sourchi, Shak Salar H. Hafeed,  Mohammad Sidik Mamood, Mohammad Mahmood Harony

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J.A.KELLER
Parliamentary Adviser
POB 2580 1211 Geneva 2

8 September 1992

SCR 687 violations (Kuwait, Iraqi debt, anti-Turkish terrorism) open way to [new initiatives on] Iraq

Dear Mr. Scowcroft,

     Enclosed is a set of proposals for turning the table on the present Iraqi leadership - by way of a Security Council-independent and promptly effective [new initiative on] Iraq. Iraq's renewed threats against the territorial integrity of Kuwait are incompatible with SCR 687, §§1 & 2. Iraq's incapacity - if real - to pay its debts is self-inflicted and flies in the face of SCR 687, §§ 16 & 17. Iraq's reported "support for and cooperation with the anti-Turkish terrorist PKK" contradicts Iraq's obligations, specified in SCR 687, §32 (PKK headquarters and training grounds reportedly are now in Iraqi-controlled Mosul, after Syria reportedly withdrew its support). And Iraq's persistent repressions against its own civilian populations are complemented by other violations of SCR 688. 688 explicitly "appeals to all Member States ... to contribute to these humanitarian relief efforts" which, manifestly, require military protection - if not enforcement. SCR 687 and 688 thus provide all powers needed for installing and extending no-fly zones, and for [new initiatives]. Our related research results (688 analysis, League of Nations documents on Iraq, founding documents of the 75 Kurdish tribe leaders of Northern Iraq, Mosul Vilayet Council letters, etc.) have all been sent "into the system" - through the good offices of Mr.Philip Wainwright, Senator Nimrod, and others.

     At the invitation of the Mosul Vilayet Council, which I advise on international matters, I plan to attend its general assembly, which is to be held in Arbil in mid-September. My objective is to get all 75 Kurdish tribe leaders to sign the enclosed Mosul Vilayet Declaration - in order to solidify further, around the Mosul Vilayet concept, the indispensable unity of all constructive forces in that area and on this way to forestall as much as possible future Kurdish infighting. On the same occasion, my personal landownership title to a significant batch of land including part of the Kirkuk oil field is to be ratified. I plan to pass in Ankara for related talks on the way to and from Arbil, to be back in Geneva by the end of September and, in the event, to be available for consultations. Should you have any observation or message, you may reach me either through your Ambassador in Ankara or the U.S. Army officer at the liaison office in Dohuk(1).

     Trusting this to eventually contribute to a more effective and better appreciated U.S. humanitarian aid notably for the Assyrians, Kurds and Turkomans of the Mosul Vilayet, and an early relief for the Iraqi people as a whole, I look forward to hear from you soon. Sincerely yours,

J.A.Keller

-----------------------

1.     I'd appreciate your comment on the League of Nations' 1925 decision conditionally attaching the Mosul Vilayet to Iraq, on Iraq's minority protection and other "obligations of international concern", specified in Iraq's Declaration of 30 May 1932, on the practical consequences that might be drawn from Iraq's persistent failure to live up to these fundamental conditions and obligations, and on the limited meaning of "territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence" in the case of Iraq. The Mosul Vilayet's liberation and its submission to UN trusteeship thus appears to be a generally acceptable way out.
 
 

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GOOD OFFICES GROUP OF EUROPEAN LAWMAKERS

J.A.KELLER, Secretary
box 2580 1211 Genève 2
t+f (4122)-7400362
mobile (4179)-6047707

14 September 1992

Your Lordship,

     I much appreciate your efforts to have some Kurdish tribe leaders admitted to the UK and to have them received at the Foreign Office. I have not yet given up hope that something positive will come out of all this, but as things stand and look like from my vantage point, the window of opportunity that was opened to the Kurdish people in the aftermath of the Gulf war and prior to the US presidential election is about to close - essentially unexploited. I have reviewed the developments and the enclosures, speaking for themselves, may tell you what I see still to be possible - and what complementary action you may want to consider to take on your side.

     I still have not found an adequate external financial source. Thus, I decided to accept the invitation by the tribe leaders who came to Geneva and go look for myself what the situation really is, and to obtain directly from all interested leaders and institutions whatever I feel is necessary for a long-term operation to liberate the Mosul Vilayet. Should the enclosed Mona Lisa program appeal to you and the British Government, I would expect it to be a bit more forthcoming in terms of effective consultation, communication and coordination. I do not expect any real difficulty to obtain promptly quasi unanimous genuine support for the enclosed Mosul Vilayet Declaration, and assuming D-Day to be in Mid-October, there would still be enough time for a serious job to be done on that basis. But, frankly, I have grown more than sceptical that our leaders have either the guts and/or the vision to make real use of any of the elements painstakingly developed with comparatively small means.

     I wish you - and our Kurdish friends - good reception by the British authorities of the data thus transmitted by way of your good offices (I am sending parallel copies today to the Prime Minister's Office, even though their - admittedly courteous - replies to date have never ceased to reflect little more than an admirable capacity to ignore or belittle facts not in line with existing policies). While looking forward to finally meet you on my next visit to London, I remain, sincerely yours,

J.A.Keller

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GOOD OFFICES GROUP OF EUROPEAN LAWMAKERS
J.A.KELLER, Secretary
box 2580 1211 Genève 2
fax: (41)22-7338671 pt+fax: (33)450322842

14 September 1992

Iraq: Underutilized UN Resolutions and Other Relevant Authorities

Your Excellency,

With a view to identify possible ways out of the apparent present impass on the Iraq/Kuwait border issue, on effective timely humanitarian aid to Iraq's civilian populations, and on related matters, we wish to complement the communications and documents which, during the past 18 months, were submitted to involved authorities both in- and outside the UN system, either directly by us, by our research branch CORUM, or by involved parties we advise (see enclosed samples):

1.     On the Iraq/Kuwait border, the 1932 exchange of letters referred to in SCR 687 (preambul §6) and the 1963 "Agreed Minutes ..." (SCR 687, §2), reflect apparently overlooked, yet fully binding Iraqi undertakings worth considering: as a pre-condition to its League of Nations Membership, Iraq had to demonstrate - and it affirmed in its Memorandum to the League of Nations of 12 July 1932 - that "Iraq possesses well-defined frontiers with all limitrophe States." (League of Nations Publications. VII.Political. 1932.VII.9). Answering the question: "3. Does the country possess a stable Government and fixed frontiers?", the Sixth Committee of the LN Assembly, in its Report on the Admission of the Kingdom of Iraq of October 1, 1932, noted: "To the third question the Sub-Committee replies in the affirmative" (A.42.1932.VII). Moreover, according to its Declaration of 30 May 1932, Irak is "bound by all the international agreements and conventions, both general and special, to which it has become a party, whether by its own action or by that of the [British] Mandatory Power acting on its behalf" (art.13, reproduced in: "Request of the Kingdom of Iraq for Admission to the League of Nations". August 16, 1932, A.17.1932.1932.VII, League of Nations Publications. VII.Political. 1932.VII.9).

2.     With its resolution "Functions and Powers Belonging to the League of Nations under International Agreements" (A/28, 12 February 1946), the UN General Assembly decided:

     And though the UN General Assembly may not yet have explicitly made related arrangements, it has not decided either not to assume monitoring and enforcement functions and powers in line with Iraq's "obligations of international concern" as specified in Iraq's 1932 Declaration.

3.     Conceived wisdom holds that the wide-ranging formal protection enjoyed by several peoples under the League of Nations minority protection system has not survived the dissolution of the League in 1946. Yet, a closer look at the remarkable and widely-quoted 1950 study of the UN Commission on Human Rights "Study of the Legal Validity of the Undertakings concerning Minorities" (E/CN.4/367, 7 April 1950) suggests otherwise (see its lesser-known but no less relevant case-by-case section). Concerning Yugoslavia, the protection regime laid down by the Versailles Treaty of 1919 is thus said to be gone only "as regards the minorities which assisted Yugoslavia's enemies" (p.65). Accordingly, the League of Nations' individual-oriented protection and redress system may be activated in the actual case of Bosnia-Herzegovina, should its authorities or other immaginative diplomats or concerned citizens be so interested. And in the equally actual case of Iraq, the authors of said UN Study, on page 51, expressed the view that the dissolution of the League of Nations did not annul, but merely "suspended" Iraq's all-important and even constitutive Declaration of 30 May 1932 with its wide-ranging minority protection and other "obligations of international concern".

4.     Consisting of the Basra, the Baghdad and the Mosul vilayets, Iraq was created 1932 by fiat by the League of Nations. Unconditional sovereignty and territorial integrity, at best, are limited to Iraq's middle and southern parts, while the Mosul Vilayet has been conditionally attached to Iraq, rather than to Turkey, by the League in 1925. Thus burdened with servitudes and sovereignty constraints notably with regard to the Mosul Vilayet, Iraq joined the United Nations on 21 December 1945 while it was still a League Member. Some of these obligations were to take precedence over any present or future Iraqi "law, regulation or official action", and they were explicitly "placed under the garantee of the League of Nations".

5.     The strict conditions attached to Iraq since its creation having thus, at worst, only been "suspended", they are seen to be reactivatable at any time by the UN General Assembly. Indeed, no text or relevant circumstances have been found to support the theory that any of these Iraqi "obligations of international concern" were abrogated either automatically with the 1946 dissolution of the League of Nations or by any act of either Iraq or the United Nations. Iraq was thus never relieved of its sine qua non 1925 and 1932 obligations. Consisting of comprehensive border, minority protection, private property and other "obligations of international concern", they are to be examined promptly and throroughly in light notably of the reports of the UN Special Rapporteur on Iraq (E/CN.4/1992/31; S.24386) - lest the credibility of international guarantees, and of the UN itself, will be undermined. And they must, of course, be followed by corresponding corrective measures deemed "proper and effective in the circumstances" (art.10, 1932 Declaration). For which reason Iraq's territorial integrity, independance and sovereignty, notably with regard to the Mosul Vilayet, are thus any time subject to review by the UN General Assembly, apparently opposing language in SCR 687 and 688 notwithstanding.

6.     Enforcing these ancient but still most actual minority protection and other Iraqi "obligations of international concern" is not only a right but an obligation of the family of nations; Security Council Resolutions 687 and 688 provide additional authority - if need be for military measures. The creation and eventual extension of no-fly zones in Iraq is thus jurdically non-objectionable. Also, the suggestion of human rights monitors, made by the Special Rapporteur on Iraq (E/CN.4/1992/31; S.24386), might be developed further for registering both related human rights violations and the individuals who took part in same - for later prosecution. And the beneficiaries of former League of Nations guarantees might be helped by Special Representatives communicating directly with the UN Secretary General for him to take prompt initiatives for appropriate corrective measures. And taking back the Mosul Vilayet into the fold of the family of nations - eg. its submission to the UN Trusteeship system as an interim safeguarding measure - would thus be far from violating Iraq's true, ie. limited, territorial integrity. As a tailor-made political catalyst, it would promote regional peace, stability and progress - if properly handled.

7.     In light of the imminent calamity due to the triple embargo in Northern Iraq, we also recommend an immediate exemption of the liberated part of the Mosul Vilayet from the UN's embargo (SCR 661) which undercuts its own humanitarian programs and prevents the leadership of that area to finance the UN's related efforts independently of Baghdad.

     Trusting these elements to be helpful, we would appreciate your Office's comments on our key findings and documents thus brought to your benevolent attention, and we shall be glad, in the event, to avail our services for contributing further to the analysis and resolution of the problems thus raised. We take this opportunity to assure Your Excellency of our highest considerations. Meanwhile, we remain, sincerely yours.

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MOSUL VILAYET COUNCIL
box 2580 1211 Geneva 2 fax: 4122-7338671

J.A.Keller, Adviser of the Council

Geneva, September 17, 1992

re: Proposed Participation of Assyrians in Mosul Vilayet Institutions

Dear Senator,

     I was very pleased to make your personal acquaintance on the occasion of the recent technical meeting in Geneva for the UN Indigenous Peoples Year, and I now gladly follow up on our enlightening discussions after I had an opportunity to clarify some issues of mutual interest with the Mosul Vilayet Council delegation.

     The preliminary result is reflected in the MOSUL VILAYET DECLARATION which I sent you recently and which you may find indicated to submit to your community for consideration and eventual support. Ideally, the Assyrian Community's leaders, notably their tribe leaders, could express their support by co-signing the Declaration as soon as possible. The power-balancing formulas I plan to discuss shortly with the leaders notably of the Kurdish tribes and the Turkomans provides for the Mosul Vilayet Council, for the time being, to assume the supreme authority of the Mosul Vilayet, with the executive functions being carried out by the Coalition Government whose members would be elected by the Council from among all social strata - competence, not ethnic, religious or party affiliations, being the dominant selection criteria. The Council itself is planned to be presided by a Presidium, consisting notably of its President and the Vice-Presidents who would be elected by the ethnic communities they represent. I would very much appreciate the benefit of your reflections on this approach which I hope to be able to discuss with you upon my return in October.

     On the Mona Lisa front, I understand you will be briefed shortly on what the U.S. Government is or is not willing to do within which time frame, and I trust you to be able to encourage the decision-makers there to develop the necessary vision and bring the required resources to bear for the still-open window of opportunity to be fully exploited.  Amicably yours,

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